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Rosewood Massacre : Black Florida History and White Terror

Rosewood Massacre : Black Florida History and White Terror
Rosewood Massacre : Black Florida History and White Terror

By Dan Royles      February 27, 2023 

This year marks the hundredth anniversary of the Rosewood Massacre, when hundreds of whites descended on the nearly all-Black community of Rosewood, Florida, intent on wiping out any trace of the town and its people. On New Year’s Day 1923, a white woman in nearby Sumner had accused a Black man of assaulting her. The hunt for her supposed assailant led a posse of whites to Rosewood. Residents there were apt to defend their homes, and a firefight left several of the white attackers dead. In retaliation, even more, white men poured into Rosewood, intent on its destruction. Most Black residents fled into the surrounding swamp, but those who could not were murdered by the mob, which also set fire to every building in town, save for the home of John Wright, a white man. Those who escaped made their way to the relative safety of Gainesville, but many would be haunted for the rest of their lives by the horror they had witnessed.

It’s important that we talk about what happened at Rosewood and the specific, individual stories of both those who perished and those whose lives were forever changed in January 1923. But we also must recognize that the story of Rosewood is, in many ways, not unique. In recent years the public has come to learn about other similar massacres—in Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1898; in Elaine, Arkansas, in 1919; or in Tulsa, Oklahoma, in 1921. These are just a few examples of the full-scale attacks on Black communities that were typical in the United States between the end of the Civil War in 1865 and the Great Depression of the 1930s. In the “Red Summer” of 1919 alone, violence of the kind that was perpetrated in Rosewood broke out in dozens of cities across the country. In fact, Rosewood isn’t even unique in the scope of Florida history. Seven years before Rosewood, in 1916, at least six African Americans were lynched in Newberry. Four years later, in 1920, dozens of Black Floridians were killed in Ocoee on Election Night. And less than a month before Rosewood, whites murdered Black residents of Perry, Florida, and burned down Black homes and community institutions.

In many ways, the Rosewood story follows a pattern that we see elsewhere, of a white woman’s accusation against a Black man that escalated into a full-scale assault by a white mob against an entire Black community, sometimes to the point—as happened in Rosewood—that the entire community was murdered or dispersed, and material evidence that it had ever existed was destroyed. The fact that this started with the accusation that a Black man had assaulted a white woman is important because the idea that this kind of violence was necessary to protect white women was central to the story that whites, and especially Southern whites, told themselves and each other about why this kind of violence was both necessary and justified.

We know, of course, that this was a lie. As Ida B. Wells showed three decades before Rosewood, very often, it wasn’t that white women were being threatened by Black predators, it was that the institutions of white supremacy were being threatened by Black people and Black communities that were standing in their power. In Elaine it was Black farmers organizing to get fair wages. In Ocoee, it was Black citizens clawing back the political power they were denied under Jim Crow. In Tulsa, it was Black Oklahomans who had built a community so economically prosperous that it was nicknamed “Black Wall Street.” And throughout the Red Summer, it was Black veterans who were returning from war to make the world safe for democracy and determined to make the United States live up to its own democratic promise.

Rosewood is exceptional in that reparations were actually paid to survivors. This happened in Florida through a bill passed by the legislature in 1994 that granted $150,000 to each of the living survivors. That wasn’t enough, and it was much lower than the survivors had hoped to get, but it was something. And it was made possible because people told the truth about what had happened in Rosewood. On one hand, a team of historians assembled research into a report on the massacre, and on the other hand, a handful of survivors described not only the horrors they had witnessed but how they and their families had been permanently scarred by what they endured.

As in so many of these other stories, the families that were driven out of Rosewood lost everything. They lost their homes, their land, their belongings and family heirlooms, their community, and any sense of security they might have had.

But thinking about the role that historians and historical testimony played in getting some measure of justice for the Rosewood survivors, it’s hard not to also think about the way that lawmakers in Florida and a handful of other states are trying to skew the teaching of history away from any topic that might undermine the idea that we have ever been anything but great. They threaten educators who even come close to challenging this narrow line of thinking when it comes to events like Rosewood.

These attempts to short-circuit discussions are about more than just scoring political points. In a larger sense, recognizing this history makes it clear to us that the way things are is not the way things have to be. The parts of the country that are entirely white aren’t that way just because people “like to be with their own kind,” but because people were driven out of places like Rosewood or because other African Americans saw what had happened there and elsewhere and decided that it just wasn’t safe to be around white people. The suburbs weren’t overwhelmingly white for decades because Black people didn’t want to live in them; it was because there was an entire architecture of policy and practice—including violence—that kept the suburbs that way. And we have a massive racial wealth gap in this country partly because Black people were dispossessed of their property through violence.

Recognizing that the way things are is not the way things have to make the study of history—the true study of history, not the veneration of some glorified past—threatening to people who want to maintain the status quo. Because studying history means seeing the paths not taken and the opportunities foreclosed. It means being able to imagine a present that is better than the one we’re living in. And it makes it possible to imagine and build a more just future.

That’s what it means to learn and teach the history of Rosewood in 2023.

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Rosewood Massacre at 100: Black Florida History and White Terror | AAIHS
 

AUTHOR:  Dan Royles is an assistant professor of history at Florida International University in Miami. His first book, To Make the Wounded Whole: African American Responses to HIV/AIDS (University of North Carolina Press, 2020), examined the diverse ways that black communities have responded to the HIV/AIDS epidemic over the last thirty-five years, and was a finalist for the Museum of African American History's Stone Book Award. Follow him on Twitter @danroyles.

Copyright © AAIHS.

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“Aunt” Clara Brown (1800-1885)

“Aunt” Clara Brown (1800-1885)
“Aunt” Clara Brown   (1800-1885)

Often called the “Angel of the Rockies,” Clara Brown reflects the richness of the African-American experience. She faced enormous challenges and reached wonderful heights in her nearly eighty-five years. Turning her back on her life in slavery, she looked west for the children she had lost. She then became one of the first African-American women to settle in Colorado. Clara was skillful in business ventures and investments that earned her thousands of dollars. She also gained a reputation for community care. She helped people of all races, but she worked especially hard to bring black people out of poverty and enslavement.

Enslaved

 Clara Brown was probably born into slavery in Virginia around 1800.  Wealthy white southerners who “owned” Clara often auctioned her to the highest bidder as if she were a horse to be sold.  Each time she was bought, she would have to move, sometimes even to a different state.   Clara married when she was eighteen, and later gave birth to four children.  Tragically, all of her children and her husband were sold to different people across the country. She vowed to work for the rest of her life to reunite her shattered family.

Clara worked as a domestic servant until 1856 when her “owner” at the time, George Brown, died.  Fortunately, his family helped Clara achieve her freedom, and she could begin the search for her missing children.

 Heading West

Hearing that one of her daughters, Eliza, may have moved to the West, Clara headed in that direction.  She had money to travel, but black people at the time were forbidden from buying stagecoach tickets.  Instead, she convinced a group of prospectors to take her with them.  On their way to Colorado in search of gold, she would work as their cook. The journey was long and rough and Clara had to walk alongside the wagon for much of the nearly 700-mile trek.

 Once in Denver, Clara was unable to find her daughter. She decided to travel with gold seekers to Central City in the summer of 1859.  The town was made up of gold mines, small stores, saloons, and shacks for miners and their families.  Clara was one of the first African-American women to reach the gold-mining towns of Colorado.

Making Strides

Clara’s two most important goals were to make enough money to live independently and to find her family. She figured that accomplishing the first goal would help her with the second.  Clara started by opening a small laundry service for the gold miners of Central City.  The business was very successful, and she began saving her money.  To make even more, she cooked, cleaned, and catered special engagements. By the end of the Civil War in 1865, when most black people were just gaining their legal freedom, Clara had saved ten thousand dollars.  This was an astonishing amount of money.  With this wealth, she invested in mining claims and Colorado real estate. She could now support herself very well.

 A Hub of the Community

 Like most of the small black population of Colorado, “Aunt” Clara saw the importance of living within a strong community.  In Central City, her business and her home became community hubs. Sick or injured miners, regardless of race, would often turn to her for help.  Clara gave them a place to recover and cared for them until they were able to return to work. She also helped those who were homeless and needed a place to stay.  Pregnant women in town often wanted Clara to help deliver their babies. She provided many of these services for free to those who could not afford them.

Clara Brown was a Presbyterian, but she did not discriminate against other faiths. She gave money and time to four different churches in town.  As she had done in Denver, she also helped start the first Sunday school program in town. She used her home as the classroom.  While her faith was strong and her finances secure, Clara was still missing something…her family.

Searching for Her Family

 Once she had saved enough money, Clara Brown began the hunt for her family.  She traveled to Kentucky and Tennessee in search of her loved ones.  Though she did not find her children or husband, she did not return empty-handed. Clara discovered other relatives on her trip, and she paid for them to move to Colorado.  She also helped other freed blacks to move here for many years.  When they arrived, she helped them find jobs in their new home.

In 1879, Clara acted as an official representative of Colorado Governor Pitkin to Kansas.  Many black people had escaped from the South and moved to black homesteads in Kansas.  This was sometimes called the “Black Exodus,” and these people were called “Exodusters.”  Governor Pitkin sent Clara Brown to Kansas to try to persuade some of them to move to Colorado.  Many jobs were available in Colorado due to mining strikes and labor shortages.  Clara delivered Governor Pitkin’s invitation and donated some of her own money to support the new black communities.

In spite of all her successes, disaster was just around the corner.  In 1864, a great flood swept through Denver and destroyed much of the town. The papers proving that Clara Brown owned property there were lost. In 1873, Clara’s home and several of her other properties went up in flames in a huge fire in Central City. Clara now had nothing to show for all her years of work, but people in the community came to her rescue. Someone even set her up in a cottage in Denver.

Triumph of Love

 In 1882, when Clara was about 80 years old, good news brought fresh hope of finding her daughter. She received word that a black woman named Eliza lived in Council Bluffs, Iowa. This woman was born about the same time as Clara’s child, Eliza. She had been taken from her mother and sold to another family, and she even looked a bit like Clara. With money from her friends, “Aunt” Clara immediately traveled to Iowa to find out if this person could indeed be her Eliza. They met in Iowa, and the two joyfully discovered that they were in fact mother and daughter!  The story of their reunion was widely published in newspapers in Colorado and throughout the Midwest. After forty-seven years of separation and searching, Clara’s dream had finally come true. Eliza was the only child Clara ever found, and the two returned to Colorado where they lived until Clara’s death.

 Immortalized

 “Aunt” Clara Brown passed away in her sleep just three years after being reunited with her daughter.  Crowds flocked to her funeral.  The mayor of Denver and the governor of Colorado even attended the ceremony. The Colorado Pioneer Association made Clara Brown their first African-American member, and funded her entire funeral.  Clara Brown’s name and reputation have lived on in the years since her death.  A chair in the Central City Opera House was installed in her name in the 1930s. This is an honor reserved for well-respected community members. In 1977, Clara’s life and achievements were commemorated with a stained glass portrait of her in the state capitol building. She also has a plaque on the St. James Methodist Church in Central City, which explains that her home served as the first church in the area. An opera about her life, called Gabriel’s Daughter, debuted in Central City in 2003.

 People say that Clara Brown went from being a slave to being an angel, but neither word is accurate.  She was an experienced black woman who lived with purpose and passion. She recognized the power of community and in building relationships. She found her way out of a life of enslavement to establish a new life in Colorado.  Her success in business gave her the chance to share her wealth with friends and family.  She worked to develop the black community in Colorado.  The discovery of her daughter, Eliza, turned her lifelong dream into reality. In her own time of crisis, favors and kindness were lovingly returned to her.

 

 BY SHANTI ZAID, Colorado Historical Society, Clara Brown intern

https://www.historycolorado.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2017/aunt_clars_brown.pdf

 

 Inducted in the Colorado Women’s Hall of Fame in 1987.

 

Further Reading

 Baker, Roger. Clara: An Ex-slave in Gold Rush Colorado. Central City: Black Hawk Publishing Co., 2003.

Bruyn, Kathleen. “Aunt” Clara Brown: Story of a Black Pioneer. Boulder: Pruett Publishing Co., 1970.

 Gates, Jr., Henry Louis, et al (eds.) Perseverance. African Americans: Voices of Triumph Series. TimeLife Custom Publishing, 1993.

 Lowery, Linda. Aunt Clara Brown: Official Pioneer. Minneapolis: Carolrhoda Books, 1999.

Lowery, Linda. The Story of Aunt Clara Brown. New York: Random House, 2002.

 

 

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SONDRA AKINS: EDUCATOR, SCIENTIST, CHEMIST

SONDRA AKINS: EDUCATOR, SCIENTIST, CHEMIST
SONDRA  AKINS: EDUCATOR, SCIENTIST, CHEMIST

Sondra Akins (1944- )

Today we are celebrating the lifelong achievements of science educator Sondra Akins!

Akins was born on March 16, 1944 in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. At a time when few women of color were pursuing a career in science Akins was inspired to study chemistry by her high school science teacher.

"But just before twelfth grade [at Atkins High School, Winston-Salem, North Carolina] is when I had my, I had Inez Scales (ph.) for a chemistry teacher, female chemistry teacher whom I had seen in the hallways, even from ninth grade with her white jacket on. And I thought she was--, in the days, language I would--she was cool. I mean there was just something very interesting about that lady. And once I got into her class, I knew chemistry was it. That was the subject. I knew it."

Akins earned her B.S. degree in chemistry in 1967 from the University of California, Berkeley and then her M.S. degree in chemistry with a minor in higher education from Florida State University in 1970. After earning her master’s degree, she taught physical science at Greco Junior High School in Tampa, Florida. Between 1971 and 1974, she served as an instructor in chemistry at St. Petersburg Junior College (now known as St. Petersburg College).

Akins went on to teach science at both the secondary and college level and had a long career as an educator in the Englewood, New Jersey school district, serving as a teacher, principal, and staff developer. In 1993, she received her Ed.D. degree in science education from Columbia University. Since 2001, Akins has been a professor in the Department of Secondary and Middle School Education at William Paterson University. She has written numerous essays on science education including a chapter in the National Science Teachers Association book, Exemplary Science: Best Practices in Professional Development

Over her long career in science education, Akins has been recognized many times by her community including the Award for Dedication to Science Teaching from Sigma Xi of Ramapo College. She has been a member of the American Chemical Society, the National Science Teachers Association and the Association of Science Teacher Educators.

1

‘POOR Magazine’ Started With a Mother and Daughter

‘POOR Magazine’ Started With a Mother and Daughter
‘POOR Magazine’ Started With a Mother and Daughter

A mother and daughter in and out of homelessness founded a grassroots magazine in 1996, by and for people experiencing poverty. It grew into a media, education, and art advocacy project for people in poverty around the world.

By April M. Short

“I’m a poverty scholar, that houseless mama, that houseless daughter—all those people you don’t wanna see, never wanna be—look away from me. Whatcha gonna do, arrest me? I’m in your city.”

This is part of the slam bio “PovertySkola” Tiny (Lisa) Gray-Garcia shares when we speak on the phone. The poet, writer, and poverty scholar, who prefers to be called “Tiny,” is also a formerly unhoused, incarcerated woman and the co-founder of an expansive media, art, and education project by and for people in poverty: POOR Magazine (aka Prensa POBRE/Poor News Network).

POOR Magazine is a “poor… [and] Indigenous people-led” media project based in the unceded Huchiun-Ohlone land of Oakland, California. Tiny and her mother started the media project in 1996 while experiencing serious poverty and housing instability. As the website’s “HERstory” section puts it, the magazine was started “by an Indigenous, landless mother and daughter who struggled with extreme poverty, incarceration, and criminalization in the U.S.”

Tiny explains that those involved with the project—which started with about six people and has since grown to more than 100—are “at one” with the things it represents, as a poor and Indigenous people-led effort.

“None of us are employees at POOR Magazine, and we intentionally call ourselves a movement,” Tiny says. “We don’t even call ourselves an organization.” 

Beginning when Tiny was 11 years old, she and her mother moved in and out of experiencing homelessness, and were constantly experiencing the impacts of poverty—something millions of people in the U.S. can relate to. According to United States Census Bureau data from 2022, 37.9 million people were in poverty in the U.S. in 2021. And according to a 2023 report by the National Alliance to End Homelessness, the number of homeless individuals “reached record highs in the history of data collection” in 2022, and unsheltered rates were trending upward.

“Ma and I started the movement [of POOR Magazine] out of our struggle,” Tiny says.

She notes that the grassroots project does keep its 501(c)(3) nonprofit paperwork up to date “by any means necessary” because over the years, it has otherwise proven difficult to maintain funding. As Tiny puts it, without the nonprofit paperwork, “folks who are wealth-hoarders are often afraid to donate to us and radically redistribute wealth because they think… that we’re going to run away to Mexico on their donation, or something. It’s really an embodiment of the suspicion that arises around the issue of poverty, which we are always resisting, fighting, and telling truth to.”

What’s Missing From This Magazine Rack?

While in and out of stable housing, faced with worsening gentrification, and following years of the trauma and difficulty caused by a cycle of poverty (including homelessness, abuse, violence, forced separation from each other, and jail time due to parking and vehicle citation debts), Tiny and her mother, Dee, gathered a community around the creation of a glossy print magazine called POOR Magazine. Its pages would represent the experiences of people living in poverty—something that was not happening in existing publications—and would uplift poverty scholarship.

“As I stood in front of some bookstore, I saw things like Golf Magazine, Vogue, and Guns and Ammo, all these ridiculous magazines,” Tiny says. “Some of them were beautiful, too—but there was nothing about poverty there, and intentionally so. Nothing. That’s part of where the idea of POOR Magazine came from. We were like: ‘What’s missing from this magazine rack?’”

The first issue of the magazine in 1996, “Homefulness,” focused on issues of housing, and living unhoused. Its contents came together through free pop-up writing workshops that were skill shares between people experiencing housing insecurity and poverty. The workshops took place on street corners, in housing shelters, in parks, and in other public spaces.

For the first issue, “we started doing what we call ‘extreme outreach’ in communities where we knew dwelled other poor people—communities in places like welfare offices, Social Security offices, on the street, and in shelters and community centers,” Tiny says.

This “extreme outreach” is how the founding members of POOR Magazine came to meet.

“We started to create the beginnings of a poor people-led movement and brought together the work that would be the contents for our first issue,” Tiny says—the Homefulness issue.

She says volume one came together “after many moons of sitting with relatives and community in the same position as us,” talking through how they wanted to express themselves and represent themselves, and sharing techniques for writing, art making, and poetry in the workshops they held.

We were doing journalism and writing workshops in the community, on the streets, and in the welfare offices to create the content,” she notes. Tiny says that she and her collaborators were discussing how to frame issues, and they decided to focus on solutions to issues, starting with the inaugural volume’s theme of housing.

“I just like to mess with the colonial language,” she says. “So after a year of these workshops when we had all the content together, I’m just sitting there looking at the word ‘homelessness,’ and I realize: all these [solutions] create homefulness.”

POOR

Tiny says the decision to use the word “poor” in the title of the magazine was an act of liberation.

“The idea was to intentionally stand up inside of a word that’s used as an insult: To take back an insult, essentially. To take back a slur. To take back a space that with one fell swoop silences and erases people,” she says. “[The word ‘poor’] oftentimes causes people to cringe, and kind of get mad or upset because the shame of being a person in poverty is so intense in the U.S. The story is that if you’re poor you have failed, period.”

She notes that in most societies today there is no cultural structure for living humbly.

“There may be vows of poverty that nuns and priests… take, but in the community, to not make money means that somehow you are less than,” she says. “So, it’s a really intense decision [to call it POOR Magazine], and oftentimes poor people have problems with it more than anybody else. They’ll say, ‘I don’t want to be called that.’… And then on the other hand, a lot of us are finding it very freeing.”

Tiny says naming the magazine POOR was like telling the world, “So what? Go ahead and call me poor. I’m done with the shackles of your shame.”

“We do a lot of teaching around dealing with that shame mindset and resisting it, and lifting up the reasons for it, and the causation, and the lie behind it,” she says. “In so many ways, that frees up both privileged people and poor people. We are all told lies in crapitalism [sic]. People who hoard wealth and money are told lies. That’s not a human way to live.”

At one point, POOR Magazine became the acronym “Protest, Organize, Observe, and Report,” but Tiny says it never really stuck.

“My mom was like, no, it’s still going to be called ‘poor,’ and people are just going to have to deal with how it affects them, and let’s work together through that.”

From the beginning, it was important to Tiny and her mom that the magazine be a glossy, full-length, print magazine—not a pamphlet or a zine. They wanted the magazine to be aesthetically beautiful—and the writing to be beautiful, Tiny says.

“My mom was an amazing editor; she was very serious and a great reader,” Tiny says. “‘People don’t look at our work,’ is what she used to say. ‘People don’t look at us, so let’s make it [the magazine] beautiful.’ A lot of time was spent on that.”

On the cover of the first issue was artwork created and donated by artist Evri Kwong, who also contributed a $2,000 painting to be sold at a fundraising event organized to support POOR Magazine’s launch and specifically offset the cost of printing.

“Real talk, creating a glossy magazine is not cheap; it’s ridiculously expensive, even though we had done everything ourselves,” Tiny notes. 

Funding for the first issue largely came from artists who had trust funds, and/or from the resources of those who had generational wealth and supported the cause.

“They held an art show where they were selling some of their beautiful art, and all the proceeds from this art show would go to the funding of the magazine,” Tiny says. “That was that first form of radical redistribution, honestly. Mom and me were always adamant about, ‘If you have more than you need to survive and keep your family healthy and alive, consider radically redistributing to people who have none. And consider radically redistributing so that people have art and beauty and culture, not just a meal. Not just a sleeping bag and a tent.’ To their credit, these beautiful artists agreed, and thought that was amazing, and [gave their artwork to support us].”

One of the aims of POOR Magazine has always been to educate people about the radical redistribution of resources, through skill sharing between “people with nothing” and teaching people with excess resources about redistributing their resources in a way that is equitable.

In an interview with Anti-Racism Daily in 2022, Tiny spoke to what she means by radical redistribution:

“We very clearly make the distinction between radical redistributing and ‘donating,’ because donating comes from a savior mentality of charity. Charity is created out of a notion of saviorism. It puts the decision-making power of how much to give on the person giving. The charity-industrial complex means control of money that wasn’t yours: we all know it was extracted from Mama Earth, First Peoples, and from Black, Brown, and working-class bodies. And yet you, the hoarder, get to decide what to do with it, and we continue to be a class-stratified society. How do poor people get control of their own solutions?”

When the first issue of the magazine was printed, Tiny says she broke down in the street.

“The feeling was almost unspeakable; it still is,” she says. “Things were going to change from that moment on, I knew it. It wouldn’t be fast and it wouldn’t be at all immediate, but for the first time in our life, we had really created something that would be a way to have people hear us and see us as a community, as poor folks. So we sort of just went from there.”

In 1997, the collective that made up POOR Magazine decided to create volume two around health care: “H-E-L-Lthcare.”

“It was about the many different ways in which we struggle with wellness, healing, and health care as poor people,” she says. For this issue, the magazine received its first-ever grant from the San Francisco Arts Commission. Each issue took a year to produce, and in 1998 came the work issue.

“That was the blossoming of a superhero,” Tiny says. “We started creating El Mosquito—panhandler by day, superhero by night, who speaks 37 lost Indigenous languages, and helps evicted families get their houses back. Those are his superpowers, among other things. That entire issue was based on an in-depth study of work itself. Work, poor people, labor, anti-labor, Indigenous labor, incarcerated labor—and sort of underground labor: the labor of mothers.”

Out of that issue came a concept called WeSearch, or people-led research.

“It’s not a data-driven form of investigation; it’s community-driven,” Tiny explains. “It values the knowledge of our life experience as part of the search. So, we search together.” (For example, a WeSearch project released through POOR Magazine’s youth media project, Youth Poverty Skola, in August 2023 delves into the eviction moratorium in Alameda County.)

Following the first few issues, there were subsequent issues annually, funded through grants and gifts of what Tiny calls radical redistribution. Funding the project has taken decades of labor and determination and has not been easy. Tiny recalls finding herself in the welfare office during the Clinton administration years of what she calls “welfare deform,” (which still gravely impacts the poorest people in the U.S.,) and being told by a case manager that she would be lucky to get janitorial work, and that she had no shot at writing for a living. This was after she’d been writing for news publications, and had successfully founded the magazine and published its first issue.

“But then, above… [the case manager’s] head was this pink flyer that said RFP—request for proposals,” Tiny says. When the case manager left the room, Tiny “liberated” the paper from where it was pinned and used the paper to teach herself to write grant proposals.

“It was an insane process that was extremely terrifying,” she recalls. “I created a 90-page grant with an Excel sheet. I don’t even know how I did it because I was dyslexic and this was like calculus, but anyway, I did it because I had to. Desperation is a great motivator.”

She wrote a grant proposing the first-ever Welfare-to-Work program in journalism in the U.S.—and it was approved.

“It was only $18,000, which I know is this chunk of money, but it’s not much in the world of grants,” Tiny says. “It doesn’t really do very much. But for us, oh my God.”

She shares that the grant allowed POOR Magazine to lease an office space, and provide housing and stability to the project’s contributors. Over the years, the magazine project has expanded into a network of offshoot efforts that make up a poor people’s movement in the Bay Area and beyond—from an affordable housing project (called Homefulness, like the magazine’s first issue), to political consciousness education and free schools, radio shows, hip-hop and other music projects, poetry workshops, theater productions, gardens and food justice efforts, a free library, youth projects, healing ceremonies, and other creative expressions.

Landless People’s Movements

These projects seek to uplift communities in the Bay Area and also serve as inspirations for communities around the world, who often invite Tiny and POOR Magazine to speak and share insights about the work they do. As the website puts it, POOR Magazine is dedicated at its core to providing “revolutionary media access, art, education, and advocacy to silenced youth, adults, and elders in poverty across Mama Earth.”

“This is a global project; I would be remiss if I didn’t say that,” Tiny says. “The vision of Homefulness, in addition to being a poor mama and daughter-led vision, is modeled after other landless people’s movements.”

She says these include landless people’s movements like the Zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico; Abahlali baseMjondolo, a shack dwellers’ movement in South Africa; Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra or the Landless Workers’ Movement in Brazil; and MOVE, founded by John Africa in Philadelphia.

“These are movements that were launched specifically by Indigenous, houseless, and poor people in self-determination,” Tiny says. “And that’s what Homefulness is.”

Tiny notes that one of the projects branching off of POOR Magazine is called the Stolen Land/Hoarded Resources UnTours that visits different locations “to share the medicine of radical redistribution.”

“Specifically, we go to wealth-hoarding neighborhoods,” she says, noting that they’ve visited places like Philadelphia’s Main Line, New York City’s Park Avenue, and other wealthy neighborhoods. She says the group now has an invitation to bring the UnTour to South Africa.

“Now, post-apartheid, the struggle in South Africa is around poverty and violent classism—albeit there remains settler-colonial terror, it’s undergirded by racism and white supremacy,” Tiny says. “They want us to go there and share the medicine [of UnTour], and share Homefulness there as well.”

Criminalized for Being Poor

Tiny shares that in approximately 1995, when she was 18 years old, she and her mother were living in the Bay Area, and a series of pivotal events happened that eventually led to the start of POOR Magazine.

First, Tiny was arrested by the UC Berkeley police for the citations that she and her mother accumulated as a result of sleeping outside and in cars.

“As you may or may not know, it’s illegal to be houseless in the U.S., and it’s criminalized by multiple laws on the books, which have been carried over from settler-colonial Europeans—who are essentially occupiers who came here,” she says. “We teach these things [in our education programs]… but these laws all undergird the system that we live in, in the U.S.—and they essentially make it a crime to be poor.”

She says they were initially harassed and arrested because of racial and classist profiling.

“The police were profiling me and my mom,” she says. “We were in another hooptie—a broke down car—and we were toddling along with our belongings to sell,” she says. “They pulled us over… and I ended up in jail. All of these fines had accumulated, and I ended up doing three months in Santa Rita [Alameda] County jail for the act of being houseless.”

She says at the time the experience was “devastating,” especially because she was her mom’s sole caretaker, and now Dee was left alone, outside, without resources.

“She was left on the street, with our home being towed away, and her daughter being taken to jail,” Tiny says. “She was psychologically disabled, and she was unable to function. I was her support person, and so it was an absolute act of violence… My mom didn’t know what to do, and she was in extreme terror. She called everybody she could.”

Milagros From the Ashes

Tiny calls the next pivotal thing that happened a miracle. Her mom found Osha Neumann, a self-described “attorney for the disenfranchised” at UC Berkeley. Tiny calls him a “hero.”

Neumann worked to get Tiny out of jail and to convert her fines to community service. And he invited Tiny to work with him by asking her, “What can you do?”

She says “What can you do?” was a bizarrely freeing question.“It was the first time anybody had asked me that. I was a young person, but I think I’d lived three lifetimes already… We’d already been evicted multiple times, and we had dealt with sweeps, incarceration, terror, and trauma.”

“I told him, ‘Well, I guess I can write.’”

Neumann told her, “Then, that’s what you’ll do,” and Tiny began writing about her mother’s life.

Tiny says she had always written poetry and stories but had never before considered herself a “writer.” She says when the East Bay Express published an article of hers, it was an incredible experience after being told by the world for so long that her voice didn’t matter.

“It was something magical,” she says. “That was the first milagro—the first miracle,” she says.

Tiny recalls that in the months following her incarceration, she and her mom realized their underground art economy was destroyed, and without art, for a time, things began to feel hopeless.

“Things were so bad that I tried to end my own life at one point,” Tiny says. “There were a lot of horrible things that happened at that time—but then, out of the ashes, my mom started sitting in on classes at San Francisco State [University] in Black studies, women’s studies, Indigenous studies—and she met all these amazing women.”

Tiny came to the classes, too, as her mom’s support person, and she says hearing these lecturers who were “talking about the positions of Indigenous people and poor people all over Mama Earth, the relationship to liberation,” for the first time provided context for the experiences she and her mom had gone through. The lectures began to “connect the dots of poor people all over the world—and specifically poor women and children like us.”

This is how Tiny says she and her mom received a political consciousness education, which she says was essential to the later development of the various projects of POOR Magazine.

“Mama and me were from Los Angeles, and we’d had no political consciousness,” she says. “It was really powerful because that helped us start to build that consciousness of community and organizing. We started to connect with other communities fighting things like welfare deform [sic], as I call it, and all these related issues.”

The third pivotal event that happened in the lead-up to POOR Magazine, Tiny says, was that she and her mother met a landlord “who wasn’t a scam lord, as I call them,” she says. “She [the landlord] saw me as a good daughter in the Indigenous sense and didn’t evict us if we couldn’t pay the rent. It was an extremely amazing thing. For the first time, we could breathe.”

She says they paid whenever they could, but if they couldn’t make rent on time, they didn’t have the burden of housing insecurity looming over them. So, she and her mom were able to think through all that had happened without having to be in constant crisis mode wondering how they would eat, or where they would sleep.

Out of the spaciousness that stable housing provided, the vision for POOR Magazine was born.

Decades after the first issue of POOR Magazine was published, the writing has moved online, and in addition to journalism, creative writing, and poetry, the project has expanded into a variety of on-the-ground projects that can be found on the drop-down menu of “Po’ People’s Solutions,” on the magazine’s website.

When Mama and Me Lived Outside

Tiny says the hardships her mom, Dee, experienced due to poverty are inseparable from the story of POOR Magazine. Dee, a mixed-race Afro-Boricua child who “was hated for her melanin, her features, and her culture,” experienced multiple layers of trauma when she was young. Dee’s mother was a domestic violence survivor who was “violently ashamed” to have given birth to Dee unmarried, and ultimately didn’t have the capacity to parent her. Dee was given up to the state and became “a victim of torture in foster homes and orphanages” in Pennsylvania. She wound up growing up on the streets of Philadelphia, and Tiny says her mother never had a true childhood due to the near-constant life-threatening encounters and extreme traumas she experienced.

“That’s no childhood at all,” Tiny says. “My mom did like a lot of us poor people and trauma victims do, and just kept it moving. She kept on going,” Tiny says. “I know that’s called resilience. I don’t really get down with that term… I think some people don’t make it, and some people do, and that doesn’t say anything about their character. It’s more that you just keep moving on, and by any means necessary, and sometimes that doesn’t work, and there’s no special thing about any one of us.”

Tiny notes that often in her speeches—which she delivers to crowds in Oakland, and around the Bay Area, as well as to groups around the world who invite her to speak—she’ll say, “there are many things this poverty scholar could tell and teach you, but no more, no less than any poverty scholar could teach you. It’s just, they’re not all necessarily listened to.”

When Tiny was four years old, her mom left her dad due to his “violent abuse and substance use.” Afraid to go to her abuser for child support—and worried she, a poor woman of color, would potentially lose custody of her child if she did go to the state, since Tiny’s father was white and relatively wealthy—Dee “embarked on the life of a single parent by any means necessary,” Tiny says. She lived on welfare or domestic labor jobs. “Poor people’s jobs,” as Tiny puts it.

Over the course of 12 years, Dee eventually completed school, studying when she could carve out time. She got a job doing social work through a Catholic-run, state-funded convent for “wayward teens.” However, the job only lasted three years, as Dee refused to play by the rules of the state-funded program.

“She was actually practicing family restoration instead of what the anti-social work industry, as I call it, does, which is perpetuate family separation,” Tiny says. “My mom was a revolutionary, and a creative, and an artist. She was doing amazing work [at the convent]—but it wasn’t within the agenda of the state.”

Dee was fired, and from the time Tiny was 11 years old, she and her mom floated between living on the street and living a paycheck away from homelessness.

“It didn’t magically change anytime soon because that’s not what poverty does,” she says. “Poverty begets poverty in a really terrifying way, because of all the ways that the state and the systems ensnare poor people—and specifically poor mothers and children, and houseless mothers and children. It’s a very dangerous position to be in, in the U.S., or the United Snakes, as I call it.”

Over these years, Tiny says, her mother became disabled and unable to function in many ways, but she continued to create art. When Tiny was 12 years old, she started working with her mother to sell art on the street and stepped away from formal education for good.

“I say I dropped out of school in the sixth grade to enroll full-time in the school of hard knocks, so I graduated with a PhD in poverty,” she says. “And this is not to glamorize it at all. It’s very serious and horrible, but at that point, there was no choice. I had tried to go to school while houseless, and it was very complicated.”

School officials had reported Tiny for absences, and when the officers who showed up learned that she and her mother didn’t live at a physical address, they called Child Protective Services (CPS). The agency threatened to separate Tiny from her mother, so the two of them went “underground” for years, and at times lived completely off-grid.

Tiny says the idea of children living separated from their mothers because of housing insecurity and poverty is a harmful byproduct of capitalism, or what she calls “crapitalism.”

“I’m an Indigenous child, and I was raised in that way,” Tiny says. “I was told many times as a young adult and a teenager, ‘You’d be okay if you left your mom.’ And that’s an interesting thing to me… because how could I be okay if my mom wasn’t okay? My mom experienced trauma. She was very angry and she was very depressed, but I’m honored that I could care for her and be her support person, and her coworker… Many, many cultures all over the world, and specifically Indigenous cultures outside the United States, don’t perpetuate what I call this cult of independence, which is very, very, very harmful and dangerous.”

She says that separation from—or connection with—our mothers and families “is key to the barometer of sanity and success.”

“There’s a lot there, and it’s something I teach on, because it plays into the work that we do [at POOR Magazine],” she says. “The idea [in U.S. culture] is that because we have access to a roof we’re somehow better parents, and that’s not true.”

At the time Tiny left school, she and her mother were living in Los Angeles out of their car. Within six to eight months, they wound up living outside, because their registration had expired, and the car was towed away. They, like so many other families, wound up sleeping on park benches, bus benches, and shelter beds. This became what Tiny refers to as “a year of being swept,” about which she wrote in her children’s book, When Mama and Me Lived Outside: One Family’s Journey through Homelessness. The book was published in 2020 and has also been adapted into an animated short film and has since won many awards.

“It was very important to introduce a new protagonist, specifically to children,” Tiny says of the book, noting that in the U.S. many children experience homelessness or housing insecurity. In 2021, data showed that 1 in 24 students in San Francisco alone was homeless. This number has only been increasing. And the number of homeless children in the U.S. is widely undercounted, as detailed in an NPR report in 2022.

“You are absolutely shamed to be a child in poverty, a child in homelessness. I saw it as an act of an emergency to do that children’s book,” Tiny says. “It’s a pandemic of poverty, and it’s very, very serious.”

Tiny says the socioeconomic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic only exacerbated problems that already existed for people living in poverty. She says in 2020, POOR Magazine transformed its existing Sliding Scale Café (a public barter market) into a groceries and food giveaway.

“Now we were no longer just supplying people with food and diapers, but we were supplying them with groceries, safety and hygiene supplies, water, and basically everything,” she says. “People stopped making money [during the pandemic], and in poor communities it hit first and worse, as it always does.”

She says they went from supporting about 100 families per week to more than 400 in 2020 and subsequent years. And she says they were able to run the program thanks to radical distributors who gave goods to support their neighbors. Local programs like the Berkeley Food Network and Deep Medicine Circle also supplied fresh organic produce.

During this time, she says, the “sacred vessel” she is calling the bank of community reparations also came into form. The “bank” puts out emergency reparations requests at least once a month to directly support poor families with immediate needs.

“We ask for help getting poor families into motels and out of homelessness, paying for cars to get fixed, support if someone comes out of the hospital, all kinds of things,” she says. “There’s no interest; there’s nothing to pay back. There’s just a need, and we put it out to our folks to help… and we radically redistribute every single dollar we get.”

Homefulness

“For the first time in my life, this houseless mama is housed,” Tiny says. And, this time she and her son are housed for good.

This is thanks to the Homefulness Project, which is a radical redistribution housing project of POOR Magazine. The website describes it as a “sweat equity, permanent co-housing, education, arts, micro-business, and social change project for landless/houseless and formerly houseless families and individuals.”

The Homefulness Project currently houses 18 families, the 18th of which moved in on August 1, 2023, and they were welcomed in with a “Ghetto Sunrise Ceremony.” Tiny says it’s much more than a roof over people’s heads. She shares that the location of the housing is in the same place where she and her mother, Dee, used to park to sleep when they were living out of their car, and she feels Dee, who passed away in 2006, helped to guide the project to the location.

“I knew my mom was working from the other side,” she says.

In addition to housing families, the Homefulness Project building is also a headquarters of sorts for the project’s “Deecolonize Academy, PeopleSkool, Community Newsroom, Sliding Scale Café, the Uncle Al & Mama Dee Living Library, Revolutionary Radio on PNN–KEXU, and all of POOR Magazine’s Indigenous community arts and media programming,” according to the magazine’s website.

The website also describes Homefulness as follows:

“Homefulness is what poor, houseless, Indigenous, evicted, disabled, false-border-terrorized peoples from all four corners of Mama Earth, now residing on stolen and occupied Turtle Island, have dreamed, loved, and fought for. After lifetimes of being displaced, evicted, incarcerated, swept, criminalized, and traumatized, our family is actually ‘buying’ land and building permanent homes, food justice, art, and healing comeUnity for ourselves and the world. We operate in the tradition of and in solidarity with landless people’s movements across the globe. … The vision of Homefulness is a blueprint for unselling and physically and spiritually liberating Mama Earth by permanently removing land from the speculative ‘real estate’ market. It is meant to be replicated all across occupied Turtle Island and Mama Earth.”

If you or someone you know is in crisis, please call, text, or chat with the Suicide and Crisis Lifeline at 988, or contact the Crisis Text Line by texting TALK to 741741.


April M. Short is an editor, journalist, and documentary editor and producer. She is a co-founder of the Observatory, where she is the Local Peace Economy editor, and she is a writing fellow at the Independent Media Institute. Previously, she was a managing editor at AlterNet as well as an award-winning senior staff writer for Good Times, a weekly newspaper in Santa Cruz, California. Her work has been published with the San Francisco Chronicle, In These Times, LA Yoga, Pressenza, the Conversation, Salon, and many other publications.

This article was produced by Local Peace Economy, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

 

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February is Black History Month

February is Black History Month
February is Black History Month

An excerpt from an essay by Daryl Michael Scott, Howard University, for the Association for the Study of African American Life and History.   https://www.blackhistorymonth.gov/About.html

 

The Library of Congress, National Archives and Records Administration, National Endowment for the Humanities, National Gallery of Art, National Park Service, Smithsonian Institution and United States Holocaust Memorial Museum join in paying tribute to the generations of African Americans who struggled with adversity to achieve full citizenship in American society.

As a Harvard-trained historian, Carter G. Woodson, like W. E. B. Du Bois before him, believed that truth could not be denied and that reason would prevail over prejudice. His hopes to raise awareness of African American's contributions to civilization was realized when he and the organization he founded, the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History (ASNLH), conceived and announced Negro History Week in 1925. The event was first celebrated during a week in February 1926 that encompassed the birthdays of both Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass. The response was overwhelming: Black history clubs sprang up; teachers demanded materials to instruct their pupils; and progressive whites, not simply white scholars and philanthropists, stepped forward to endorse the effort.

By the time of Woodson's death in 1950, Negro History Week had become a central part of African American life and substantial progress had been made in bringing more Americans to appreciate the celebration. At mid–century, mayors of cities nationwide issued proclamations noting Negro History Week. The Black Awakening of the 1960s dramatically expanded the consciousness of African Americans about the importance of black history, and the Civil Rights movement focused Americans of all colors on the subject of the contributions of African Americans to our history and culture.

The celebration was expanded to a month in 1976, the nation's bicentennial. President Gerald R. Ford urged Americans to “seize the opportunity to honor the too-often neglected accomplishments of black Americans in every area of endeavor throughout our history.” That year, fifty years after the first celebration, the association held the first Black History Month. By this time, the entire nation had come to recognize the importance of Black history in the drama of the American story. Since then each American president has issued Black History Month proclamations. The association—now the Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH)—continues to promote the study of Black history all year.

 

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